Property: Text

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In light of the discourse discontinuity beginning in the following verse (see the exegetical issue <a rel%3D"nofollow" class%3D"external free" href%3D"https://psalms.scriptura.org/w/The_Identity_of_the_"Adversaries"_in_Ps_78:66">https://psalms.scriptura.org/w/The_Identity_of_the_"Adversaries"_in_Ps_78:66</a>) and the end of the pattern of topic shifts throughout vv. 63-64 (see macrosyntax), the qatal // yiqtol alternation here could indicate the end of this discourse unit. In any case, the modal reading of the yiqtol is also highly plausible here (cf. ""could not weep"" in the CEB, CJB, CSB, EÜ, Luther2017, NASB, NIV, NJPS, REB, ZÜR), whether the wife of Phinehas in 1 Sam 4:19-22, because of her concern for the Ark, or a more general reference to exile/defeat, if they were taken captive or had to flee without a chance to lament (see the commentaries).  +
Since this event denotes an unlimited length of R-time, the qatal indicates a holistic view of the ""being sung to.""  +
For the past perfect reading of שִׁכֵּן, see the NJPS ""the tent He had set among men"" (cf. NASB, NIV); TOB ""la tente qu'il avait dressée parmi les hommes,"" EÜ: ""das er aufgerichtet hatte unter den Menschen"" (cf. ZÜR).  +
On the the interpretation of wayyiqtol introducing a result to the preceding discourse, see Khan (forthcoming, Vayyiqṭol, 82-86); cf. Gen 12:19; 2 Sam 2:23 and v. 20aβ above.  +
""Identical experiental structure in both verse-lines triggers a change in verb usage... When processes realized by finite verbs in couples with one verb per verse-line are similar, their verbal forms are not identical and the order of similar constituents is altered"" (Tatu 2008, 307)—thus, here, we have both alternating verb forms and alternating constituent order %5Bsymmetry%5D; see also v. 72). The poetic function here precedes the recopilation of v. 59, largely repeated from v. 21 (and indicating a new poetic unit in each case), while v. 72 indicates the end of the poem.  +
On the interpretation of a wayyiqtol introducing an adversative relationship to the preceding discourse, see Khan (forthcoming, Vayyiqṭol, 54-58); cf. vv. 36, 52, 67, 68.  +
Rather than an obligation, as would be communicated by a typical causative hiphil, וַיַּשְׁכֵּן seems best understood as a permissive hiphil, ""let/allow to live"" (see Garr forthcoming, Permissive Hifʿil; cf. Tigay 2017).  +
On the interpretation of a wayyiqtol introducing an adversative relationship to the preceding discourse, see Khan (forthcoming, Vayyiqṭol, 54-58); cf. vv. 36, 56, 67, 68.  +
Once again (cf. vv. 26, 45, 47), Ḥakham opines, ׳יְפַלֵּט׳ עדית במשׁמעות עבר ""future with the meaning of past"" (1979, 55).  +
For the scribal tendency to understand this verb as part of the chain from vv. 44-48, see the wayyiqtol ויהרג in JTS 611, 631, and BL Or 1477. Ḥakham comments, עתיד שׁמשׁמעו עבר ""future whose meaning is past"" (1979, 54).  +
The yiqtol beginning the present verse (as well as vv. 26, 47, 49, 50) are probably best considered archaic preterite functions of the yiqtol (see Notarius 2013; cf. Ḥakham 1979, 53: לשׁון עתיד שׁמשׁמעו לשׁעבר ""in language of the future whose meaning is in the past""). Notarius notes, ""a coherent, non-contradictory, archaic system is not proof of a genuine archaic text. Theoretically, a later writer could stylize the archaic linguistic type without any slips"" (2013, 274), such that the present text may intentionally transport the reader to what the author consider language of the period of the Exodus/Wilderness wanderings. Notice their clause-initial position (cf. Notarius 2013, 280-281) and consistent asyndesis in a psalm full of waw-coordination. Their functional overlap with wayyiqtol is suggested by the scribal tendency to provide the wayyiqtol וַיָּהֲרֹג for the MT's יַהֲרֹג in v. 47 (see below). One could postulate that the functional distinction to be drawn between these yiqtol forms and the wayyiqtol is analogous to the same aspectual effect brought about by the historical present in English (Khan, Long Yiqṭol, 35), though a preterite reading has been preferred here. The lexical prominence brought about by the form may prime the following instance of the verb שׁלח in v. 49.  +
This is the only instance of 3mpl yiqtol שׁתה with energic nun (cf. Deut 32:38; Isa 24:9; 62:8; 65:13; Jer 49:12; Ezek 4:16; 12:19; 25:4; 44:21; Amos 2:8; Obad 16; Jonah 3:7; Zeph 1:13; Ps 75:0; Prov 4:17). For the ability modality, see also the CEB, CSB, DHH, EÜ, ESV, ELB, KJV, Luther 2017, NABRE, NASB, NBS, NET, NFC, NIV, PDV, SG21, ZÜR (cf. Ḥakham 1979, 53: וְאֶת מֵימֵיהֶם לֹא יָכְלוּ לִשְׁתּוֹת ""and their waters they were not able to drink""). Alternatively, for a result reading, see the interpretation of the LXX and Jerome's Hebr.: ὅπως μὴ πίωσιν/ut non biberent ""so that they might not drink.""  +
On the the interpretation of wayyiqtol introducing ""unordered addition"" and elaborative specification, see Khan (forthcoming, Vayyiqṭol, 58-60); cf. 2 Sam 12:8; 1 Kgs 18:13. See also v. 5 above. Here, as in v. 5, the Syr. provides the complementizer ܕ, with the reading ܕܗܦܟ ܢܗܪ̈ܘܬܗܘܢ ܠܕܡܐ ""such that he changed their rivers into blood.""  +
Once again, with the mention of ""day,"" the reference time moves back. The discourse from vv. 42-57b (cf. the lexical parallelism with v. 9) recounts precisely what they ""did not remember"" (v. 42a), though, artfully passes the ""present"" of v. 42, through the wilderness on into the conquest of the promised land, which brings us back to vv. 9-12 in Shiloh. Notice, too, the double 3pl + 3ms in vv. 40, 58. Alternatively, though slightly awkward, לֹא־זָכְר֥וּ of v. 42 might refer to the Ephraimites in vv. 9-12 who ""did not remember.""  +
The exclamative כַּ֭מָּה יַמְר֣וּהוּ בַמִּדְבָּ֑ר affirms the temporal frame, such that the referential present continues ""in the wilderness"" until the psalm takes a step further back into the Exodus in v. 42b. The habitual yiqtol is appropriate following the exclamative כַּמָּה ""How often...!""  +
Following the qotel הוֹלֵךְ, the yiqtol יָשׁוּב may perhaps be read as gnomic, in an utterance such as this verse (cf. Ps 90:3 תָּשֵׁ֣ב אֱ֭נוֹשׁ עַד־דַּכָּ֑א; Bergström 2022, 153), as reflected in the LXX (and Greek Revisers) rendering of both as participles (πνεῦμα πορευόμενον καὶ οὐκ ἐπιστρέφον ""a breath that passes and does not come again""). The same semantic result, however, is attainable within a more common function of the yiqtol: ""a breeze that goes and will not return.""  +
The yiqtol יָעִיר seems best understood as future within a past reference time (so R<E<S): ""he repeatedly turned back his anger and (will >) would not stir up all his wrath.""  +
Although the time reference leading up to this clause is past, this and the following three clauses (וְה֤וּא רַח֨וּם׀ יְכַפֵּ֥ר עָוֺן֮ וְֽלֹא־יַ֫שְׁחִ֥ית) seem best understood as general truths (notice the yiqtols and lack of suffix on עָוֺן֮ ""iniquity,"" despite a number of modern translations supplying ""their""; cf. the NET: ""Yet he is compassionate. He forgives sin and does not destroy""). Another possible reading, yet dispreferred, follows the NIV: ""Yet he was merciful; he forgave their iniquities and did not destroy them."" Our preference for the present reality is supported by the shift to waw + qatal in the following clause (וְ֭הִרְבָּה), which does move back to the past reference time. Delitzsch comments similarly, ""With וְהוּא in ver. 38 begins an adversative clause, which is of universal import as far as יַשְׁחִית, and then becomes historical"" (1871, 370).  +
For the struggles with the continuous yiqtol, see TgPs' participle מכדבין and CEB's paraphrase: ""But they were just flattering him with lip service. They were lying to him with their tongues."" See, too, the NIV (cf. the French versions' imperfects): ""But then they would flatter him with their mouths, lying to him with their tongues."" These translations reflect the habituality of vv. 34-37 as a whole (see the comments above).  +
On the interpretation of a wayyiqtol introducing an adversative relationship to the preceding discourse, see Khan (forthcoming, Vayyiqṭol, 54-58); cf. vv. 52, 56, 67, 68. In any case, it continues the habitual pattern established by אִם in v. 34.  +